Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the IWW (1969), contain useful information about the Wobblies. On the romance between the IWW and the intellectuals, see Martin Green, New York 1913: The Armory Show and the Paterson Strike Pageant (1988); see also Christopher Lasch, The New Radicalism in America (1965), and Robert Humphrey, Children of Fantasy: The First Rebels of Bohemia (1978). Hutchins Hapgood's autobiography, A Victorian in the Modern World (1939), best conveys the flavor of this bohemian radicalism. Emma Goldman's magazine, Mother Earth, especially the various articles on syndicalism in vol. 7 (1913), should be supplemented by her Syndicalism: The Modern Menace to Capitalism (1913); by Martha Solomon, Emma Goldman (1987); and by the standard works on anarchism by George Woodcock, Anarchism (1962), and James Joll, The Anarchists (1964).

Mary Parker Follett's thought is best represented by The New State: Group Organization the Solution of Popular Government (1918). Croly's interest in the wage question, reflected in Progressive Democracy (1914), has been missed by David W. Levy, Herbert Croly of the New Republic (1985); by R. Jeffrey Lustig, Corporate Liberalism (1982); and by James T. Kloppenberg in his otherwise impressive study, Uncertain Victory: Social Democracy and Progressivism in European and American Thought (1986). Kloppenberg recognizes that Progressive Democracy is a more radical and interesting book than The Promise ofAmerica Life (1909), but he does not seem to grasp the reasons for this. His own book seems to have originated, at least in part, in a desire to present turn-of-the-century progressives and social democrats as heirs to the "civic humanist ideal," as he puts it at one point; but the remnants of that tradition survived far more vigorously in guild socialism and syndicalism—movements Kloppenberg passes over in silence—than in the mainstream social democracy he emphasizes instead. Progressives and social democrats were the founders of the modern welfare state—the negation of everything the old republican tradition stood for. How little progressivism resembled republicanism can easily be seen by reading Walter Weyl's manifesto, The New Democracy (1912).

A whole book could be written about the debates concerning the democratization of culture that took place during the progressive era. My account draws mainly on Douglas L. Wilson, ed., The Genteel Tradition: Nine Essays by George Santayana (1967), which includes the 1911 essay "The Genteel Tradition in American Philosophy," on which Van Wyck Brooks drew so heavily in America's Coming-of-Age (1915); on Brooks's earlier book, The Wine of the Puritans (1909), and his well-known essay, "On Creating a Usable Past," Dial 64 (II April 1918): 337-41; on Randolph Bourne's Gary Schools (1916) and the collections of his essays edited by Olaf Hansen, The Radical Will (1977), Lillian Schlissel, The World ofRandolph Bourne (1965), and Carl Resek, War and the Intellectuals (1964); on various works by Lewis Mumford, notably The Golden Day (1926), Findings and Keepings (1975), and Interpretations and Forecasts (1973); and on Waldo Frank's Our America (1919).

Like the debate about the democratization of culture, the immigration debate deserves more extensive treatment than I have given it here. The central documents, in addition to ones already cited, are Israel Zangwill, The Melting Pot (1909);

-554-